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If you don't know how to improve the internet speed in your home and you don't have money to change your router, try these free tricks. Laws concerning the use of this software vary from country to country. However, the use of the favelas as filming locations and tourist attractions can take its toll on favela communities. Often led by outsiders, that is, people who do not live in, or belong to, the favela, both media and tourism industries frequently operate within the framework of exoticism.

The discourses about the favelas affect the practices of location filming, media viewing, and tourism, which can also be detrimental. Throughout the years, favela tourism has often been considered a reflection of the power imbalance between the visitor and the resident, with the latter potentially being subjected to invasions of privacy and disrespect Whyte et al. Case studies on media tourism have shown that local communities can see film shootings as a nuisance because they disturb daily routines by, for example, creating traffic congestion and street restrictions Bolan et al. Other research has suggested that media tourism may not be sustainable. Only a small number of films actually generate tourism flows, and even these flows might not be significant They were asked how they were dealing with, and what they expected from, film producers and tourism entrepreneurs who use their neighborhoods as film locations or tourist attractions, focusing on their experiences with the telenovelas Salve Jorge and I Love Paraisópolis.

However, we believe that the findings provide valuable insights about the workings of location filming and telenovela tourism in the Brazilian favelas—and potentially in other marginalized urban areas around the globe. The interviews in Paraisópolis reveal that local residents who were involved in the production of I Love Paraisópolis are more likely to praise the telenovela's contribution to the community than those who were not. The location filming of I Love Paraisópolis lasted three months. Two of these freelance workers, Renata , and Higor , , were interviewed for this study. They helped the production crew understand the atmosphere of the neighborhood, the way residents dress and behave, and the history of the favela.

Some locals even became the inspiration for characters of the telenovela, including Renata herself, who would also talk directly to the actors to correct them in case they were not accurately mimicking the local accent or slang. Therefore, Renata, Higor, and Gilson were offered the opportunity to voice their own perceptions about Paraisópolis and to bring the telenovela as close to their reality as possible, in an attempt to make themselves and other residents feel represented. However, residents who were only indirectly involved in the filming process often did not notice this effort. Get two, three dancers to be featured in the scene, even for one second. Then it would be a telenovela from the neighborhood.

But I didn't see any of this. The vast employment of locals, although confirmed by Gilson and Renata, was not perceived by other residents, who mentioned that Globo only hired a few as extras and barely filmed in the community itself. This minimal perceived interaction and collaboration with the residents, although welcome, was not considered enough, as the community leader Betânia Mendonça explained:. Everybody thought that the telenovela was filmed here. And they shot four, five scenes here, tops. They assembled a whole set at Projac [Rede Globo's production studios in Rio de Janeiro] … and they filmed everything there. Gilson confirmed that Globo filmed in the community until it had the telenovela set ready at Projac.

As Renata recalled:. At some point it became untenable to shoot here, we would waste [a lot of time] … Because it would gather a lot of people. Shooting was impossible. Tcha, tcha, tcha, tcha! For residents from sensitive areas, such as the favelas, the location filming of a media production is often seen as an opportunity to improve their living conditions. In this sense, the ephemerality and selectivity of the benefits that the filming of the telenovela brought to Paraisópolis are related to the strict nature of the making of the genre.

The need for an efficient filming schedule in which disruptions have to be minimized and the filming on location cannot become too costly restrains a broader collaboration with the community. Most respondents were positive about the participation of residents, mentioning that Rede Globo hired extras, security personnel, and caterers from the community. After all, less filming in the community means less disturbances for the community. They generally criticized the inaccuracy of characters, whom they deemed stereotypical. Usually the characters that Globo puts in its plots are very stereotypical, right?

And they don't create a character of a Black guy who is attending university and dreams of becoming a lawyer. There are plenty of them here. As Gilson explained:. For example, the writers could only implicitly suggest that Grego was a drug dealer. For Renata, this softer characterization was intended to avoid denigrating the favela's image on TV. When a telenovela … shows that in the favela there are moments of conflict, but there's also the guy at the bar who jokes around, who throws a party every now and then, that there are boys flying kites, the girls [sunbathing] on the rooftops, or the very nice people who live there, this automatically stimulates people to ask themselves if the favela is really that bad thing in the newspaper, or if it's really a spot to be explored like other parts of the city.

Moreover, according to some respondents, the telenovelas gave at least some positive visibility to the favelas. This resonates with what several other interviewees argued. We were discriminated against. After that everything started again. However, this flawed representation was still better than not being represented at all. From the interviews it also appeared that, once the telenovelas were broadcast, they generated a sudden yet equally temporary interest in the favelas. Events, a lot of events … [However,] when the telenovela ended, it was all over.

In Paraisópolis, however, the answers were more divided, with some interviewees noticing a temporary increase in tourists and others not perceiving any impact whatsoever. Part of the explanation of why the influence of the telenovela was either considered temporary or barely noticed in these favelas is that these productions were not the main factors for the rise of tourism in the first place. As Jessica Souto indicates,. The main point is the cable car. The cable car started to feature in newspaper headlines as a tourist attraction … But then that's it, in the period of the telenovela the big public [for tourism] was because of the telenovela.

But then even after the telenovela ended, over time, the public that came talking about the telenovela gradually diminished, so [the reason] was more the cable car indeed. The telenovela itself was never mentioned. Nowadays, the influx of tourists is very small in both communities. The end of the telenovela was considered important only because it coincided with other events—the beginning of the low tourist season, the upsurge in violence, and the increase of negative reports about the community in the media. In Paraisópolis, the end of the telenovela was never mentioned as a factor for the decrease of tourism.

Outsider tour guides said that the increase of violence was the main problem. In general, the respondents were skeptical about the capacity of media productions to sustain tourism in their communities. In Paraisópolis, the need for more infrastructure both for tourists and locals—hotels, but more importantly, sanitation and paved streets—was considered the main factor. As Jessica sums up:. There is potential here, but it doesn't depend … on a media strategy. While this security issue is not solved or partially defined, I think that everything remains too unstable. Investors apparently lost interest in these neighborhoods once the hype created by the TV productions lost momentum, and tourism entrepreneurs faced challenges that went beyond the popularity of the telenovelas—namely the closing of main tourist attractions and, most importantly, the rise of violence.

Hence, trusting in media productions as a means of development in the favelas on their own is unfeasible. Ultimately, however, the outcome of the filming of the telenovelas was largely considered ephemeral: a temporary collaboration, a temporary pride, and a temporary boost in business and tourism. One of the explanations for this is the telenovela genre itself. The timeslots of the telenovelas also restrict the type of content they can show, which resulted in the residents interviewed by this study deeming I Love Paraisópolis and Salve Jorge inaccurate: by toning down characters and repeating stereotypes, for example.

Thus, beyond the specific outcomes observed in this study, the term telenovela effect can potentially also be used to refer to the ephemerality of the effects that telenovelas—and arguably other media forms—have on their filming locations. Hypothetically, though, the memory of a telenovela could still be preserved on the filming location—and continue to generate income for locals through tourism—as long as references to it are created.

However, this research has shown that such an endeavor might be unfeasible in the favelas due to the instability that these sensitive urban areas face: limited financial resources, waves of violence, and other adversities derived for the most part from governmental neglect. The second reason for the ephemerality of the telenovela effect, then, can be ascribed to the locations themselves. The favelas, and arguably other less advantaged territories, offer scholars and policymakers alike complexities and specificities for location filming and tourism that go beyond a successful media production.

With this, we claim that the potential often attributed to media tourism in privileged contexts is not entirely applicable to areas such as favelas. As part of a larger project, this study is the first step toward a better understanding of the complexities of these territories. Further research can be conducted—in other sensitive contexts and with other media and tourism practitioners, that is, film commissions and governmental bodies—to provide a broader panorama of media tourism in less privileged areas.

Her research focuses on the relationships between media, power, and place. His research focuses on the intersection of media, culture, and tourism. Currently, he leads two large, international research projects funded by the Dutch Science Foundation and by a Consolidator Grant from the European Research Council. He has published many research papers and two monographs: Holland op de Helling —recipient of the national NeSCoR dissertation award—and Places of the Imagination.

Media, Tourism, Culture His research interests span the fields of postcolonial studies, media geography, popular geopolitics, alternative media, indigenous cinema, and film and tourism, mainly in the context of the anglophone Caribbean and with a particular focus on the history and contemporary practice of Jamaican film and tourism. The copyright line for this article was changed on 3 January after original online publication. This allowed us to understand the conflicting interests and power relations between local residents on the one hand, and media and tourism entrepreneurs on the other. Therefore, by including outsider tour guides, she was able to gather multiple opinions about favela tourism and its relationship with the telenovela.

Nowadays, with the return of violent conflicts between policemen and drug dealers, the Pacification is considered a mostly failed initiative , He was hired by Rede Globo to build the sculptures that were featured in the opening sequence of the telenovela, besides also appearing in its final episodes and having a character partially inspired by him.

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